Book Review: Revolution And Democracy In Ghana: The Politics Of Jerry Rawlings
My journey into the author’s world began with an unexpected digital encounter—a riveting article titled “Development Challenges in an Election Year.” This piece, an exploration of political and developmental dynamics, not only piqued my interest but also paved the way for a meaningful relationship with the author.
Through his insightful analysis and engaging narrative, he has transformed from a distant writer into a friend and mentor, offering profound insights into the tumultuous and transformative era of Jerry Rawlings’ rule.
In the kaleidoscopic world of Ghanaian politics, where the hues of history and power intertwine in a complex dance, I would be remiss if I did not explore the revolutionary spirit and democratic shifts that defined the era, guided by an author whose intellectual curiosity and personal connection to the subject matter deepen our understanding of Ghana’s political landscape.
Professor Jeffrey Haynes is an Emeritus Professor of Politics at London Metropolitan University (London Met), actively shaping discourse on African politics through his scholarly work, guidance on research agendas, and public engagement with the continent’s diverse political landscapes. He specializes in political science, with a focus on political theory, international relations, and comparative politics.
His research includes topics such as religion and politics, global governance, and development. Professor Haynes’s deep interest in Ghanaian politics led him to write his PhD thesis on “Rawlings and the Politics of Development Policy in Ghana, 1979-1986,” which he completed between 1984 and 1988.
His work is driven by an interest in the politics of underdevelopment under Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings’ regime. This book seeks to challenge simplistic portrayals of leadership and examine the complex interactions between state institutions, civil society, public welfare, and global influences.
Personal reflections
Upon my first reading of the review copy during my leisure time, I knew it had a vast potential for intellectual trouble. It is that very fact that makes it such a valuable and worthwhile publication. For me, reading the book is just like a rare breed of sweet wine whose taste still lingers in the mouth and makes the taste buds wanting more.
The book effectively addresses many of the questions we have pondered about Rawlings’ political ideology, the impact of his governance on Ghanaian democracy, and how his rule influenced the country’s political institutions and policies.
Though this is not a book written by Rawlings himself, it illuminates the Rawlings era and democratisation in a manner unmatched by other works. The publication of this book is a significant event. Despite the vibrancy of Rawlings’ nearly two decades of rule, that period remains relatively opaque in our history.
And I dare say reading the book has profoundly deepened my understanding of Ghanaian politics. Before diving into this text, my perspective on Rawlings was largely shaped by popular narratives and media portrayals. The author’s meticulous research and nuanced analysis have provided me with a richer, more complex view of Rawlings’ impact. I came to appreciate not only the ideological shifts during Rawlings’ tenure but also the intricate interplay between revolutionary fervor and the pragmatic challenges of governance.
Prof. Haynes’ exploration of controversial aspects, such as the murder of judges and economic reforms, challenged my previously simplistic views. The detailed examination of how Rawlings’ regime navigated international pressures and internal power struggles offered new insights into the broader political context of the time. The book has helped me understand the legacy of Rawlings’ policies, particularly their role in shaping Ghana’s transition towards a more democratic and market-oriented society.
When Rawlings passed away on November 12, 2020, I was initially numb with disbelief. However, such a day was inevitable. He has left the battlefield he once conquered, and we can now reflect on his legacy and find appropriate words to eulogize him. Beginning the revolution at the age of 32 serves as a testament to his role as a model for young revolutionaries. Those times were filled with mixed emotions—memorable and controversial—giving rise to various theories and rumours about power struggles, personality clashes, and policy challenges in both the PNDC and Rawlings’ NDC administrations.
The author says in the preface that _“The book has four objectives. First, I seek to contextualise Rawlings’ initial revolutionary populism in contemporaneous radical military interventions in Africa. The second is to outline the characteristics and political consequences of Rawlings’ revolutionary populism and authoritarian populism which replaced it. The third is to examine the return to multi-party democracy in late 1992 and the following 10 years of Rawlings rule as elected president. The fourth objective is to assess Rawlings political legacy in Ghana following his death in November 2020.”
Scope
Despite the book’s succinctly defined scope, it offers more than what its author suggests. Three significant aspects make this book a historic contribution to our understanding of recent developments in our country.
The first is the role played by Rawlings and some of his closest associates in shaping a revolutionary period that began without a clear roadmap. Jerry John Rawlings is often seen as both an enigma and a contradiction.
That is why books on him will evoke interest and attract readership. From his abortive May 15 infantile coup attempt, through June 4 to December 31 and the attempted coup by Lance Corporal Giwa and blood cousin Captain Courage Quashigah’s arrest, Rawlings has been a subject that titillates scholarship and research.
That is why the book is a must-read, not only for academicians, historians, and researchers, but also for ordinary citizens and, particularly, the youth who may take our democratic journey and experience for granted.
Very well researched and scripted, the writer does a tidy work by digging into nearly all available material on Jerry Rawlings, including talking to persons close to him and even those who he worked but fell apart with his chequered career as three-time Head of State of Ghana from 1979 through 1981 to 1992 and into 2000.
Strengths and weaknesses
The words of Prof. Haynes are strong because he provides a thorough analysis of Rawlings’ leadership, from his revolutionary beginnings to his role in establishing multi-party democracy. The book’s exploration of both political and economic dimensions of Rawlings’ tenure is commendable.
The book situates Rawlings’ leadership within the broader context of African politics, offering valuable insights into the regional and international influences that shaped his policies.
Prof. Haynes’ use of extensive interviews and archival materials adds significant depth to his analysis, presenting a well-rounded view of the political and economic challenges faced during Rawlings’ regime.
As with any scholarly work, there is a risk of inherent bias, especially given that Prof. Haynes has a long-standing academic interest in African politics. While the book aims for objectivity, there may be an unconscious inclination to emphasize certain aspects of Rawlings’ leadership while downplaying others.
Eccentric and controversial elements
But the author who would also add notes to his rich scholarly work was meticulous and courageous enough to investigate controversial clansmen of Jerry Rawlings such as Prof Kofi Awoonor and others who had an ethnicity agenda that was remotely connected with the plot to plan and execute a coup after lawful elections had been held and a government in place in December 1981.
Akata Poree, Adabuga, Courage Quashigah, Kojo and Tsatsu Tsikata all find space in this rich chronicle of event from Jerry Rawlings and his compulsive march into a democracy that was forced on him and his junta by global development agencies.
Such background concerns also included public and global apprehensions about a potential Rawlings dynasty and the influence of the United States. A notable event was President Bill Clinton’s visit to Ghana in 1998, during which he emphasised the importance of democratic principles, and allegedly cautioned Rawlings against deciding to foist himself on the people for a third constitutional term.
Murder of the judges, outburst of professional associations
The piece is further enriched by Prof. Jeffery Haynes’ analysis of the murder of the judges and its political fallout on the junta, including the outrage directed at Kojo Tsikata and Amartey, who was made a scapegoat.
It also examines how the junta attempted to gain credibility by creating Civil and Workers Defence Committees, aiming to present itself as inclusive and democratic.
The pressure on the junta to reform or face removal, driven by the public’s anger as Rawlings himself described it, added to the junta’s insecurity. This environment contributed to the dissatisfaction among military officers like Alidu Giwa, who, feeling sidelined, attempted a countercoup.
The fact that his own investigative team and Committee of Inquiry placed the blame for the murders squarely on Kojo Tsikata led to a loss of credibility among the political, middle class, and professional bodies and some safety needed in illiterate, vulnerable, docile citizens.
Economic reforms and press freedom
The author was spot on, when he notes that it was at this critical point that the regime decided to open up to the West and its agencies in agreeing to economic reform programmes after being turned down by the former USSR or Soviet Union, which failed to buy proposal on reforms submitted by Ghana, with Tsatsu Tsikata and Kwesi Botchwey leading the team to Moscow.
In this objective treatise, the author also notes success stories in implementing on the World Bank and IMF Ghana Country Programmes that would eventually thaw the socialist nonsense and force the country closer to good governance and constitutionality codes.
With the liberalised environment, the previously suppressed independent media became a channel for advocating constitutional rule—a tide that the junta had difficulty managing, despite its use of the antedated Criminal Libel Law intended to intimidate journalists.
Eventually, when it led in funding a crony broadcast network, the junta unwittingly began opening the floodgates for a revolution in freedom of the press. This shift diminished its ability to use institutions like the Media Commission and Electoral Commission, for instance, in pushing its propaganda and skewing elections.
Interestingly, it turned out according to this book that, the people who had become nostalgic for democratic governance began creating political clubs, following in the steps of the junta, which had created the December 31st Women’s Movement, besides the CDRs and WDCs, and waiting for the day the pressure on the regime to lift the ban on politics, to constitutionally fight Jerry Rawlings and his junta.
Revolution and Democracy in Ghana: The Politics of Jerry Rawlings* stands out as a crucial work for anyone interested in the evolution of Ghanaian politics. The author provides a thorough examination of Jerry Rawlings’ impact on the country’s democratic development, combining rigorous research with insightful analysis.
The book’s exploration of Rawlings’ transformative leadership, controversial policies, and the political shifts of his era offers valuable perspectives that deepen our understanding of Ghana’s political landscape.
This masterpiece is recommended to all segments of the population, including the business community, academia and politicians.
Despite the book’s succinctly defined scope, it offers more than what its author suggests. Three significant aspects make this book a historic contribution to our understanding of recent developments in our country.
The first is the role played by Rawlings and some of his closest associates in shaping a revolutionary period that began without a clear roadmap. Jerry John Rawlings is often seen as both an enigma and a contradiction.
That is why books on him will evoke interest and attract readership. From his abortive May 15 infantile coup attempt, through June 4 to December 31 and the attempted coup by Lance Corporal Giwa and blood cousin Captain Courage Quashigah’s arrest, Rawlings has been a subject that titillates scholarship and research.
That is why the book is a must-read, not only for academicians, historians, and researchers, but also for ordinary citizens and, particularly, the youth who may take our democratic journey and experience for granted.
Very well researched and scripted, the writer does a tidy work by digging into nearly all available material on Jerry Rawlings, including talking to persons close to him and even those who he worked but fell apart with his chequered career as three-time Head of State of Ghana from 1979 through 1981 to 1992 and into 2000.
Strengths and weaknesses
The words of Prof. Haynes are strong because he provides a thorough analysis of Rawlings’ leadership, from his revolutionary beginnings to his role in establishing multi-party democracy. The book’s exploration of both political and economic dimensions of Rawlings’ tenure is commendable.
The book situates Rawlings’ leadership within the broader context of African politics, offering valuable insights into the regional and international influences that shaped his policies.
Prof. Haynes’ use of extensive interviews and archival materials adds significant depth to his analysis, presenting a well-rounded view of the political and economic challenges faced during Rawlings’ regime.
As with any scholarly work, there is a risk of inherent bias, especially given that Prof. Haynes has a long-standing academic interest in African politics. While the book aims for objectivity, there may be an unconscious inclination to emphasize certain aspects of Rawlings’ leadership while downplaying others.
Eccentric and controversial elements
But the author who would also add notes to his rich scholarly work was meticulous and courageous enough to investigate controversial clansmen of Jerry Rawlings such as Prof Kofi Awoonor and others who had an ethnicity agenda that was remotely connected with the plot to plan and execute a coup after lawful elections had been held and a government in place in December 1981.
Akata Poree, Adabuga, Courage Quashigah, Kojo and Tsatsu Tsikata all find space in this rich chronicle of event from Jerry Rawlings and his compulsive march into a democracy that was forced on him and his junta by global development agencies.
Such background concerns also included public and global apprehensions about a potential Rawlings dynasty and the influence of the United States. A notable event was President Bill Clinton’s visit to Ghana in 1998, during which he emphasised the importance of democratic principles, and allegedly cautioned Rawlings against deciding to foist himself on the people for a third constitutional term.
Murder of the judges, outburst of professional associations
The piece is further enriched by Prof. Jeffery Haynes’ analysis of the murder of the judges and its political fallout on the junta, including the outrage directed at Kojo Tsikata and Amartey, who was made a scapegoat.
It also examines how the junta attempted to gain credibility by creating Civil and Workers Defence Committees, aiming to present itself as inclusive and democratic.
The pressure on the junta to reform or face removal, driven by the public’s anger as Rawlings himself described it, added to the junta’s insecurity. This environment contributed to the dissatisfaction among military officers like Alidu Giwa, who, feeling sidelined, attempted a countercoup.
The fact that his own investigative team and Committee of Inquiry placed the blame for the murders squarely on Kojo Tsikata led to a loss of credibility among the political, middle class, and professional bodies and some safety needed in illiterate, vulnerable, docile citizens.
Economic reforms and press freedom
The author was spot on, when he notes that it was at this critical point that the regime decided to open up to the West and its agencies in agreeing to economic reform programmes after being turned down by the former USSR or Soviet Union, which failed to buy proposal on reforms submitted by Ghana, with Tsatsu Tsikata and Kwesi Botchwey leading the team to Moscow.
In this objective treatise, the author also notes success stories in implementing on the World Bank and IMF Ghana Country Programmes that would eventually thaw the socialist nonsense and force the country closer to good governance and constitutionality codes.
With the liberalised environment, the previously suppressed independent media became a channel for advocating constitutional rule—a tide that the junta had difficulty managing, despite its use of the antedated Criminal Libel Law intended to intimidate journalists.
Eventually, when it led in funding a crony broadcast network, the junta unwittingly began opening the floodgates for a revolution in freedom of the press. This shift diminished its ability to use institutions like the Media Commission and Electoral Commission, for instance, in pushing its propaganda and skewing elections.
Interestingly, it turned out according to this book that, the people who had become nostalgic for democratic governance began creating political clubs, following in the steps of the junta, which had created the December 31st Women’s Movement, besides the CDRs and WDCs, and waiting for the day the pressure on the regime to lift the ban on politics, to constitutionally fight Jerry Rawlings and his junta.
Revolution and Democracy in Ghana: The Politics of Jerry Rawlings* stands out as a crucial work for anyone interested in the evolution of Ghanaian politics. The author provides a thorough examination of Jerry Rawlings’ impact on the country’s democratic development, combining rigorous research with insightful analysis.
The book’s exploration of Rawlings’ transformative leadership, controversial policies, and the political shifts of his era offers valuable perspectives that deepen our understanding of Ghana’s political landscape.
This masterpiece is recommended to all segments of the population, including the business community, academia and politicians.
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