The Meaning Of Igbo Resistance And Survival
By Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe
A major preoccupation of an aggressor/conqueror state is to seek to effectuate a process of memory erasure over its overrun nation and land. This is the opportunity for the conqueror to begin to construct a bogus narrative of possession and control of the targeted society that arrogates it to the fictive role of primary agent of the course of history. The enduring success of Chinua Achebeās Things fall Apart is that the classic not only anticipates this conquerorās predilection but it subverts the triumphalism of the latterās pyrrhic victory. Despite the District Commissionerās bombastically-titled anthropological treatise at the end of the novel, heralding the latest European āpossession and controlā of another region of Africa, this time Igboland, the future direction of history here neither lies with the administrator nor his evolving occupation regime ā nor indeed with his conquering capital back home in Europe! To locate the source for change and transformation in Igboland, subsequently, we need to examine carefully the import and circumstance of historian Obierikaās address to the administrator on the life and times of his friend and peopleās hero, Ogbuefi Okonkwo, who had recently committed suicide. We are reminded that as he speaks, two full sentences into a third, Obierikaās voice ātrembled and choked his wordsā, trailing off into gasps and silences of deep contemplation. It is precisely within the context of these kaleidoscopic frames of Obierikaās recalls and introspection that we discern the sowing of the nationās regenerative seeds of resistance and quest for the restoration of lost sovereignty. It is therefore not surprising that Okonkwoās grandchildren would spearhead the freeing of Nigeria, to which Igboland had since been arbitrarily incorporated by the conquest, from the British occupation.
For the aggressor state with a clear genocidal goal, memory erasure of the crime scene at the targeted nation is even more frantically pursued. On the morrow of the conclusion of its execution of the second phase of the Igbo genocide in January 1970, genocidist Nigeria wheeled out pretentious cartographers to embark on erasing the illustrious name, Biafra, from all maps and records that it could lay its hand on! During its meetings, the Gowon genocidist junta in power banned the words āsunā, āsunlightā, āsunshineā, āsundownā, āsunflowerā, āsunriseā or any other word-derivatives from the sun that unmistakably reference the inveterate Land of the Rising Sun. This task and symbolism of āsun-banningā and āsun-bashingā were of course bizarre if not daft as the junta itself was to discover much sooner than later ā and from a most unlikely source indeed. At the time, a British military advisor to the junta, who was out dinning with a senior member of the council in Lagos, unwittingly compared Igbo national consciousness and tenacity with that of the Pole. The advisor, who had studied modern history at university and was a great admirer of the exceptional endurance of Polish people in history, stated that the Igbo had demonstrated similar courage in the latterās defence of Biafra and that a ārebirth of Biafra was a distinct possibility in my lifetimeā ā unlike the 123 years it took the Polish state to re-appear after its disappearance from the world map! The advisor was then in his early 30s and the obvious implications of his Igbo-Polish analysis were not lost on his host. The junta member co-diner was understandably most outraged by the advisorās crass insensitivity on the subject which he readily shared with his junta colleagues. Predictably, the immediate consequence of the hapless advisorās impudence was an early recall home to Britain.
There were other bouts of farcical treats on display in Nigeria during the period aimed at erasing the memory of the Igbo genocide. Junta and other state publications and those of their sympathisers would print the name Biafra, a proper noun, with a lower case ābā or box the name in quotes or even invert the ābā to read āpā, such was the intensity of the schizophrenia that wracked the minds of the members of the council over the all important subject of the historic imprint of Igbo resistance and survival. The Awolowoists and Awolowoids on the junta even toyed with the idea of abolishing money altogether in the economy of the resourceful and enterprising Igbo. They reasoned that this would deliver the final solution that had eluded them during the āencirclement, siege, pounding, and withering awayā strategy of the previous 44 monthsā¦ They ended up with the ācompromiseā pittance of Ā£20.00 per the surviving male-head of the Igbo family ā a derisory sum, which, they reckoned, stood no chance of averting the catastrophe of social implosion they envisaged would occur in Igboland subsequently. We mustnāt fail to note that the Ā£20.00 handout excluded the hundreds of thousands of Igbo families whose male-heads had been murdered during the periodā¦ Dreadfully, the accent placed by Nigeria on this third phase of the genocide, starting from 12 January 1970, was the economic strangulation of the 9 million Igbo survivorsā¦ 3.1 million Igbo had been murdered in the genocide between 29 May 1966 and 12 January 1970.
Celebration
Igbo survival from the genocide is arguably the most extraordinary feature for celebration in an otherwise depressing and devastating age of pestilence in Africa of the past half of a century. Few people believed that the Igbo would survive their ordeal, especially from September 1968 when 8-10,000 Igbo, mostly children and older people, died each day as the overall brutish conditions imposed by the genocidist siege deteriorated catastrophicallyā¦ The Igbo were probably the only people in the world who were convinced that they would survive. And when they did, the aftermath was electrifying. In spontaneous celebration, the Igbo prefaced their exchange of greetings with each other for quite a while with the exaltation, āHappy Survival!ā: āHappy Survival! Nneā, āHappy Survival! Nnaā, āHappy Survival! Nwannemā, āHappy Survival! Nwannaā, āHappy Survival! Nwunyemā, āHappy Survival! Oriakuā, āHappy Survival! Dimā, āHappy Survival! Kedu?ā, āHappy Survival! Ndeewoā, āHappy Survival! Ke Kwanu?ā, āHappy Survival! Odogwuā, āHappy Survival! Okee Mmaduā, āHappy Survival! Dianyiā, āHappy Survival! Umu Igboā, āHappy Survival Ndiigboā. Igbo survival, at the end, does represent the stunning triumph of the human spirit over the savage forces that had tried determinably for four years to destroy it. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichieās description of her majestic tome on the subject, Half of a Yellow Sun (this sun, yet again ā odi egwu!), as a ālove storyā couldnāt therefore be more appropriate.
Forty years on, first and second generations removed from their parents and grandparents respectively who freed British-occupied Nigeria in 1960 and survived the follow-up genocide, Ogbuefi Okonkwoās progeny are once again tasked and poised to restore Igbo lost sovereignty. Everyone knows of their firm resolve and ability to achieve this goal. Surely, the successful outcome of this endeavour is the most eagerly awaited news in Africa of these early years of the new millennium.
Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is the author of Biafra Revisited (African Renaissance, 2006)
A major preoccupation of an aggressor/conqueror state is to seek to effectuate a process of memory erasure over its overrun nation and land. This is the opportunity for the conqueror to begin to construct a bogus narrative of possession and control of the targeted society that arrogates it to the fictive role of primary agent of the course of history. The enduring success of Chinua Achebeās Things fall Apart is that the classic not only anticipates this conquerorās predilection but it subverts the triumphalism of the latterās pyrrhic victory. Despite the District Commissionerās bombastically-titled anthropological treatise at the end of the novel, heralding the latest European āpossession and controlā of another region of Africa, this time Igboland, the future direction of history here neither lies with the administrator nor his evolving occupation regime ā nor indeed with his conquering capital back home in Europe! To locate the source for change and transformation in Igboland, subsequently, we need to examine carefully the import and circumstance of historian Obierikaās address to the administrator on the life and times of his friend and peopleās hero, Ogbuefi Okonkwo, who had recently committed suicide. We are reminded that as he speaks, two full sentences into a third, Obierikaās voice ātrembled and choked his wordsā, trailing off into gasps and silences of deep contemplation. It is precisely within the context of these kaleidoscopic frames of Obierikaās recalls and introspection that we discern the sowing of the nationās regenerative seeds of resistance and quest for the restoration of lost sovereignty. It is therefore not surprising that Okonkwoās grandchildren would spearhead the freeing of Nigeria, to which Igboland had since been arbitrarily incorporated by the conquest, from the British occupation.
For the aggressor state with a clear genocidal goal, memory erasure of the crime scene at the targeted nation is even more frantically pursued. On the morrow of the conclusion of its execution of the second phase of the Igbo genocide in January 1970, genocidist Nigeria wheeled out pretentious cartographers to embark on erasing the illustrious name, Biafra, from all maps and records that it could lay its hand on! During its meetings, the Gowon genocidist junta in power banned the words āsunā, āsunlightā, āsunshineā, āsundownā, āsunflowerā, āsunriseā or any other word-derivatives from the sun that unmistakably reference the inveterate Land of the Rising Sun. This task and symbolism of āsun-banningā and āsun-bashingā were of course bizarre if not daft as the junta itself was to discover much sooner than later ā and from a most unlikely source indeed. At the time, a British military advisor to the junta, who was out dinning with a senior member of the council in Lagos, unwittingly compared Igbo national consciousness and tenacity with that of the Pole. The advisor, who had studied modern history at university and was a great admirer of the exceptional endurance of Polish people in history, stated that the Igbo had demonstrated similar courage in the latterās defence of Biafra and that a ārebirth of Biafra was a distinct possibility in my lifetimeā ā unlike the 123 years it took the Polish state to re-appear after its disappearance from the world map! The advisor was then in his early 30s and the obvious implications of his Igbo-Polish analysis were not lost on his host. The junta member co-diner was understandably most outraged by the advisorās crass insensitivity on the subject which he readily shared with his junta colleagues. Predictably, the immediate consequence of the hapless advisorās impudence was an early recall home to Britain.
There were other bouts of farcical treats on display in Nigeria during the period aimed at erasing the memory of the Igbo genocide. Junta and other state publications and those of their sympathisers would print the name Biafra, a proper noun, with a lower case ābā or box the name in quotes or even invert the ābā to read āpā, such was the intensity of the schizophrenia that wracked the minds of the members of the council over the all important subject of the historic imprint of Igbo resistance and survival. The Awolowoists and Awolowoids on the junta even toyed with the idea of abolishing money altogether in the economy of the resourceful and enterprising Igbo. They reasoned that this would deliver the final solution that had eluded them during the āencirclement, siege, pounding, and withering awayā strategy of the previous 44 monthsā¦ They ended up with the ācompromiseā pittance of Ā£20.00 per the surviving male-head of the Igbo family ā a derisory sum, which, they reckoned, stood no chance of averting the catastrophe of social implosion they envisaged would occur in Igboland subsequently. We mustnāt fail to note that the Ā£20.00 handout excluded the hundreds of thousands of Igbo families whose male-heads had been murdered during the periodā¦ Dreadfully, the accent placed by Nigeria on this third phase of the genocide, starting from 12 January 1970, was the economic strangulation of the 9 million Igbo survivorsā¦ 3.1 million Igbo had been murdered in the genocide between 29 May 1966 and 12 January 1970.
Celebration
Igbo survival from the genocide is arguably the most extraordinary feature for celebration in an otherwise depressing and devastating age of pestilence in Africa of the past half of a century. Few people believed that the Igbo would survive their ordeal, especially from September 1968 when 8-10,000 Igbo, mostly children and older people, died each day as the overall brutish conditions imposed by the genocidist siege deteriorated catastrophicallyā¦ The Igbo were probably the only people in the world who were convinced that they would survive. And when they did, the aftermath was electrifying. In spontaneous celebration, the Igbo prefaced their exchange of greetings with each other for quite a while with the exaltation, āHappy Survival!ā: āHappy Survival! Nneā, āHappy Survival! Nnaā, āHappy Survival! Nwannemā, āHappy Survival! Nwannaā, āHappy Survival! Nwunyemā, āHappy Survival! Oriakuā, āHappy Survival! Dimā, āHappy Survival! Kedu?ā, āHappy Survival! Ndeewoā, āHappy Survival! Ke Kwanu?ā, āHappy Survival! Odogwuā, āHappy Survival! Okee Mmaduā, āHappy Survival! Dianyiā, āHappy Survival! Umu Igboā, āHappy Survival Ndiigboā. Igbo survival, at the end, does represent the stunning triumph of the human spirit over the savage forces that had tried determinably for four years to destroy it. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichieās description of her majestic tome on the subject, Half of a Yellow Sun (this sun, yet again ā odi egwu!), as a ālove storyā couldnāt therefore be more appropriate.
Forty years on, first and second generations removed from their parents and grandparents respectively who freed British-occupied Nigeria in 1960 and survived the follow-up genocide, Ogbuefi Okonkwoās progeny are once again tasked and poised to restore Igbo lost sovereignty. Everyone knows of their firm resolve and ability to achieve this goal. Surely, the successful outcome of this endeavour is the most eagerly awaited news in Africa of these early years of the new millennium.
Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is the author of Biafra Revisited (African Renaissance, 2006)
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